Albanians peoples in Ukraine....







Albanians in Ukraine
Main Albanian settlements in Ukraine
Total population
(3308[1] (2001) - ~5,000[2] (2008))
Regions with significant populations
Languages
Albanian (52.6%), Russian (35.7%)
Religion
Orthodox Christian and Catholic Christian
The Albanians in Ukraine (also known as Albantsi, UkrainianАлбанці) are an ethnic minority group located mainly in Zaporizhia Oblast and Budjak. They descend from Albanian warriors who fought against theOttoman Empire in the Russo-Turkish wars and were allowed to settle in the Russian Empire in the 18th century.

HistoryEdit

The historical community of Albanians in Ukraine call themselves ga tantë (from ours) and they speak a language si neve (like us).[3]Their ancestors came to Ukraine in the 18th and 19th centuries. Yet, they trace their ancestry to tosks Albanians (southern dialect) who in the 16th century settled in the eastern Bulgaria (Despotate of Dobruja) along withGagauz people.[2] The arrival of the Albanians was connected to the Russo-Turkish War of 1768-1774. During this war some Orthodox Christian Albanians revolted against the power of the Ottoman Empire. After their rebellion initially failed many joined up with the Russian fleet which was on its Aegean Expedition. At the end of the war about 1,700 Albanian fighters and family members went to the Russian Empire. They settled primarily in the vicinity of Kerch and Yenikale.[citation needed]Some Albanian immigrants to the Russian Empire from Bulgaria settled primarily in the vicinity of Odessa and Budzhak.[3] In 1811 Albanians established their own settlement of Karakurt in Budzhak near the Bolhrad city.[3][2]After the Albanians in Odessa there are two streets Great Arnaut Street and Little Arnaut Street.[3] Due to defeat of Russia in theCrimean War, many Albanians moved to theeast Ukraine in 1861 and resettled there.[3] It was not until the 20th century that the Albanians of Ukraine realized that there are Albanians.[3] At some point of time in Odessaexisted the Albanian cultural center "Rilindja" (Renaissance).

Albanian studies in the Soviet Union and RussiaEdit

The first who studied the Albanians in Ukraine sinceNikolai Derzhavin[2]who born on the territory of modernZaporizhia Oblast (at the time Taurida Governorate). In 1930 he published his monograph in Russian language "Albanians in the Ukraine". After the World War II, the major study on Albanians of the Southern Ukraine was conducted by the academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Yulia Ivanova.[2] In 1957 with help of the academician Agnia Desnitskaya at the Saint Petersburg State University was opened the Department of Albanian language.[2] Alas, in the modern Ukraine Albanian studies are not being conducted.[2]
1914 was a Soviet philologist (Slavic studies) and historian 

How to Get Rich in 3 (Really Difficult)


Becoming wealthy may not be your primary goal, but if it is, there is a reasonably predictable way to get rich in America.


Step 1: Ignore Your Mother
Parents around the world typically encourage their kids to get educated so they can get a "good job," and perhaps become a doctor or lawyer, although neither tends to be a path to significant wealth. High-paying professions provide an excellent income stream, but two insidious forces undermine the professional's ability to create significant wealth: tax and spending.
Tax
It is difficult to become wealthy on the basis of a salary alone. Since income is taxed at the highest possible rate, you're left with not much more than 50 cents on the dollar.
Spending
The other problem with having a high income is that it creates a wealth effect that triggers spending. Thomas J. Stanley, the famous author of the research-driven classic The Millionaire Next Door, points out that some professionals--in particular lawyers--spend a large portion of their income to give the impression that they are successful, in part because they do not enjoy much social status from their job. In other words, when you earn $500,000 a year, you buy a Range Rover or send your kids to a fancy private school at least in part because you want people to think you are rich.
Step 2: Start Something
Most wealth in America is created through owning a business. Recently, Mass Mutual looked at the proportion of business owners that make up a number of wealth cohorts. They found that 17 percent of people with between $100,000 and $500,000 to invest were business owners.
Keep in mind there are about 8 million employer-based companies in the United States, meaning the incidence rate of business ownership (the natural rate at which you find business owners in the general population) is about 3 percent. Said another way, if you grabbed 100 people walking down the street, on average three of them would be business owners. On the other hand, if you took a random sample of 100 people with investable assets of between $100,000 and $500,000, 17 of them would be business owners, meaning you're more than five times more likely to find a business owner in the $100,000 to $500,000 wealth segment than you are to find an employee.
The trend becomes more pronounced the higher up the wealth ladder you go. If you look at wealthy investors with between $500,000 and $1,000,000 in investable assets, you'll see that the proportion of business owners in the segment goes up dramatically--to 27 percent.
The Very Rich
Among investors with between $1,000,000 and $10,000,000 in investable assets, the proportion of business owners jumps to 52 percent. Sixty-seven percent of investors with $10,000,000 to $50,000,000 sloshing around in their bank account are business owners, and 86 percent of investors with $50 million dollars or more in investable assets are business owners.
Simply put, if you meet someone who isvery rich, it's highly likely they are (or were) a business owner.
Step 3: Get Liquid

The next step is to focus on improving the value of your business so that you can sell it for a premium. Just being a successful entrepreneur is not usually enough to become rich. You have to find a way to turn the equity you have locked up in your business into liquid assets. When it comes to selling your business, the three most common options are:
  • Acquisition: This is the headline-popping way some entrepreneurs choose to trade their shares for cash. When Facebook acquired WhatsApp for $19 billion, founders Brian Action and Jan Koum got very rich.
  • Re-capitalization: A minority or majority "re-cap" occurs when you sell a stake in your company (often to a private equity firm) yet continue to run your business as both a manager and part owner with a chunk of your wealth in liquid assets outside of your business.
  • Management Buyout: In an MBO, you invite your management team (or a family member) to buy you out over time, usually with a mixture of some cash from the profits of your business and debt that the managers take on.
There are other, less common ways to turn your equity into cash (e.g., an IPO) but the key is turning the illiquid wealth in your business into diversified liquid wealth. The best part about selling a business is that the wealth created is taxed at a very low rate compared to employment income, so you get to keep most of what you make.
You might argue it is better to keep all of your wealth tied up in your business as it grows, but that can be a risky proposition--just ask Lululemon's Chip Wilson or BlackBerry's cofounder Mike Lazaridis. If you keep your money locked up in your business, it also means you may not be able to enjoy the benefits of wealth. You can't use illiquid stock in a private company to buy an around-the-world plane ticket or a ski chalet in Aspen. You actually have to get liquid first.
There are many good reasons to build a business, and for you, wealth creation may not be as important as making an amazing product or leading a great team. But if money is what you're after, there is no better way to get rich than to start and sell a successful business.

How strong is NATO....

How Strong is NATO.... 








NATO is militarily very strong. I don't have details but with the U.S. and many of the Western European countries in NATO, all of whom are developed economies and have a sizeable and relatively effective militaries, the coalition is a force to reckon with. 

But, that's a BIG but, that will only happen if they can stand together and be politically in sync. As seen from the recent Ukraine conflict, NATO has been slow to react. Even if they do react, it is mainly barking and no biting. NATO wants to impose economic sanctions on Russia for their supposed role in the conflict, but countries like Greece and even Germany and the U.S. are reluctant to do so, for fear of economic damage to themselves.

In this globalised, no past power can remain powerful. With economics ties so entrenched between NATO and Russia, and of course, globally, no matter how military strong they are, if they can't find a mutual approach to world affairs, I theorise that NATO might exist in name only in the future, no need for any country to defeat them.

Life in new York .......



Jostled, bumped, ogled, cat-called.The occasional smile exchanged with a stranger in the scrum.
Sirens and jackhammers; incessant honks and aggressive shouts.
Clashing and clamoring and noise levels so loud it is hard to hear yourself think. Or sleep.

Flower stands and coffee shops and pizza parlors and chocolatiers and dry cleaners.
Dog walkers and street performers and construction workers and models with photographers.
Every cuisine under the sun, sandwiched by buildings, buildings, buildings.
Weaving through the pinhole spaces of a crowd crossing at a busy corner;
openings so tiny and fast the whole chaotic dance appears choreographed to avoid collision.
Natives exasperated by the doddling visitor that — God forbid — stops to think, take in the view, snap a photo or study a map.
On a rainy day literally fending off — with arms as bumpers — the ambush of eye-level umbrellas from oblivious or uncaring crowds.
Tourists, don’t give yourselves away!Houston Street is pronounced “HOW-ston” (not “hew-ston” like the Texas city).
Everyone is going somewhere. Fast.
Cars speed UP when they see you in the intersection.
Pedestrians don’t wait on the sidewalk to cross.
Walk signs are mere guidelines; red means slow your pace until you just barely sneak behind the last car to go through the light. But watch out for bikes!
Elevator etiquette: it is customary to press the door-close button with near-maniacal fervor as soon as the last person enters an elevator.
This repeats on every floor.
Someone always steps up to do it, yet you’ll appear horribly impatient to try this anywhere else.
Fun game: make a point to talk to every person who shares your elevator. Bonus if you can get them to crack a smile.
Layers of wafting smells while walking down Broadway:
Nostalgia from the hot dog stand, temptation from the cupcake truck, salty-sweet invitations from paper cones of roasted nuts.
Warm, thick subway air blows up from below as you walk across the grates.
It smells . . . dirty? Stuffy?
Wonderful. Like New York City. Like no other place on Earth.
People-watching underground as the sea of commuters enter and exit the subway cars.
Where do they look? Sit? Stand? How do they talk?
What are they reading? What are they listening to? What are their struggles?
Who are they going home to? What is weighing heavy on their mind in this very moment?
The shock of being woken up by a stranger while accidentally napping in a park:
“You should really be more careful, those people just stole your phone.” He hands it back.
Hazy confusion quickly turns to fear, adrenaline and disappointment.
But it is soon replaced by simultaneous wonder and gratitude for this Good Samaritan.
People can be as kind as they can be cruel . . . but don’t fall asleep in the park with valuables on your person!
Landing at LaGuardia feels like a private helicopter tour.
Flying in to the city lower than seems reasonable over the most incredible, iconic skyline.
Bridges and buildings and Lady Liberty, all the more beautiful when lit up at night.
The empire state building dressed in candy-colored rainbow lights to celebrate pride weekend, and civil rights, and one of the great melting pots of the world.
An amalgamation of the best, brightest, most stylish, most interesting, highest quality, highest concentration of . . .everything. Food. Yoga. Art. Fashion. Music. The list goes on.
Call me biased. Or maybe you’ve experienced it yourself.
Let’s leave out the worst of the worst for now, of which Manhattan has its fair share too: how about rental market price gouging, cockroaches and corporate greed.
Unlimited possibility juxtaposes feelings of financial impossibility, impracticality, insanity.
This is a city that will swallow you up; shake, rattle, and roll you.
But it will also uplift, inspire, teach and transcend you.
It is a city that will help you make magic happen, if you’re open to it.
Living here feels like living at the center of the universe.
Like being swept up in a passionate love/hate love affair.
Like being in on a secret with 8.5 million other humans who call it home.
New York City is a crazy fucking jungle, but I love it. Most of the time.
September marks my two year anniversary of living here.
Since my first visit as a kid my heart whispered, “This is your yellow brick road.”
After years of failed attempts, it was a huge relief to finally follow it.
And now I surrender to wherever its delightfully ordered chaos takes me next.

Ismail Qemali Biografia ......

Ismail Qemali
Ismail Qemali
Kryeministër i pari e Shqipërisë
29 nëntor 1912 – 22 janar 1914
Paraardhësi:Shpallja e Pavarësisë
Pasardhësi:Fejzi Bej Alizoti
Ministër i Jashtëm i Shqipërisë
4 dhjetor 1912 – qershor 1913
Paraardhësi:Shpallja e Pavarësisë
Pasardhësi:Myfit Libohova
Të dhënat personale
Lindi më:16 janar 1844
Lindi në:Flag of Turkey.svg VlorëVilajeti i JaninësPerandoria Osmane
Vdiq më:24 janar 1919
Vdiq në:Flag of Italy.svg Peruxhia (Itali)
Kombësia:Shqiptar
Profesioni:nëpunës, deputet, diplomat
Feja:Bektashi

Ismail Qemal Bej Vlora (Vlorë16 janar 1844 -Peruxhia24 janar 1919) ishte nëpunës iPerandorisë Osmane, veprimtar i çështjes shqiptare, deputet në Mexhlisin Osman, themelues i shtetit shqiptar. Ismail Qemali ishte firmëtari i parë i Deklaratës së Pavarësisë.

JetaRedakto

Ismail Qemali lindi më 16 janar 1844 në Vlorënë një nga familjet e mëdha të Shqipërisë së Jugut, i biri i Mahmud bej Vlorës dhe Hedije hanëm Asllan-Pashali. Pas shtypjes së Kryengritjes kundër Tanzimatit (epopeja eHekalitGjolekës - 1847), Mahmud beu, si një ndër udhëheqësit kryesorë të kësaj kryengritje, u arrestua dhe bashkë me të vëllanë Selim pashën u burgosën në Manastir. Familja iu dërgua pas 15 ditëve në Selanik ku ndejtën për tre vjet. Rrugës për në Selanik i vdes e gjyshja. Në Selanik familja e tij gjeti mbështetjen e madhe të konsullit francez Edouard Grasset, i njohur i Mahmud beut qysh kur kishte shërbyer me po atë detyrë nëJaninë. Gjatë qëndrimit në Selanik, Ismailit i vdes vëllai i vogël, Sulejmani, i cili u varros në oborrin e xhamisë Ortaj. Me shkollimin fillor nxuri turqishten.
Pas politikës së re të Portës së Lartë familja e Ismailit që ishte e vendosur në Selanik kthehet në Vlorë. Më 1852 lirohet Mahmud beu, i cili kthehet nga Konja në Vlorë; ndërsa i ungji Selim pasha bashkë me një nga krerët,Çelo Picarin, detyrohen të qëndrojnë nëThesali.
Me vdekjen e të gjyshit nga e ëma në Janinë, Tahir bej Asllan-Pashali, i bashkohet s'ëmës për zinë dhe pak kohë më vonë regjistrohet në gjimnazin «Zosimea» në Janinë më 1855. Kushëriri i parë i të atit, Mustafa pasha ish në atë kohë "Myslimme Kalemi" Mydiri pranë të kushuririt, Ismail pashë Tepelenës që ishte atëkohë Valí i Janinës. Në «Zosimea» Ismail Qemali ishte i vetmi nxënës musliman në atë kohë, kaloi aty greqishten e vjetër, latinishten; mori njohuri në matematikë e fizikë dhe privatisht arabisht e frëngjisht. Pasi i ati kthehet në Janinë me të shtypur revoltën e Epirit, i shpreh dëshirën e ungjmadhit, Ismail pashë Plasës dhe ministrit të Jashtëm Fuad pashës që i biri të shkonte në Stamboll. Sipas regjistrave të «Zosimeas», Ismail Qemali i dha provimet e vitit të fundit më 15 korrik 1859.
Në majin e 1860 ndërmerr udhëtimin që i zgjati dhjetë ditë nga Janina për në Stamboll. Banon në shtëpinë e Guiridli Mustafa pashës, i cili qe i afërt nga lisi i qumështit. Fuad pasha e punësoi në zyrën e përkthimeve të Ministrisë së Jashtme, ndërkohë që vazhdoi dhe studimet për drejtësi. Me një ndryshim të ambasadorit osman në Paris, emërohet atashè pranë ambasadës, por me t'u nisur misioni merr lajmin e vdekjes së të motrës që e shtrëngon të kthehet në Janinë dhe të qendrojë pranë familjes.
Ismail Qemali në moshë të re
Aqif pasha, Guvernator i Përgjithshëm në vitin 1862 e mori ndihmës drejtor të çështjeve politike dhe bëjnë një tur deri kur në shtator në Athinë ndodh grushti i shtetit. Detyrohen për t'u kthyer në Janinë për të marrur masat e duhura që kërkonte kjo ngjarje. Pas Aqif pashës, do t'i shërbente Hysni pashës, Dervish pashës dhe Kaizerli Ahmed pashës deri më 1864. Sipas merakut të së ëmës martohet me një vejushë të re nga Konica, e cila vdiq pas lindjes së vajzës së tyre vitin e parë e jetës së tyre bashkëshortore. Pas disa rrethanash që e shtrënguan të jipte dorëheqjen, vajti në Larisa me ftesë të ungjit të tij Ismail Rahmi pashës, guvernator i përgjithshëm i Thesalisë, i cili e bëri shef të kabinetit të tij.
Mustafa Pasha ia paraqiti në at'kohë (1867) komisarit të lartë për reformat në Bullgari, Mid'hat Pashës. Kur u bë Mid'hat Pasha Sadrazam, e mori me vehte në Stamboll Ismail beun, si sekretar privat. Mori pjesë në komisionin shtetëror për hartimin e kushtetutës turke, e cila u shpall më 1876. Më 1868 ishte kryesekretar i Ministrisë së Punëve të Jashtme të Perandorisë.
Kur ra Mid'hat Pasha dhe u burgos në Taif, kjo ngjarje la një përshtypje shumë dëmprurëse në karrierën e tij. Pas heqjes së kushtetutës nga sulltan Abdyl Hamiti II dhe pas internimit të Mid'hat Pashes me 1877, Ismail Qemali dërgohet si bashkëpunëtor i tij në internim në Kutahja, ku u mbajt deri ne vitin 1884. Pas kthimit nga internimi e deri në vitin 1899, u emërua përsëri disa herë. Megjithatë, sepse ish shumë i çmuar nga qarqet qeveritare, u emërua pas pak kohe Mytesarrif në Afjon Karahisar (Anadoll). Këtu qëndroi mjaft kohë e tregoi zotësi e shpirt përparimtar. U bë Mytesarrif i klasit I në Manisë, Izmid dhe më së fundi Vali në Kastamonu, dhe në Bejrut. Kudo që shkoi fitoi mirëdashjen e të krishterve dhe të pjesës përparimtare të popullit. Por në Stamboll (në qarqet e Pallatit) rëndonte mbi të mosbesimi edhe dyshimi, që rridhnin sigurisht nga kujtimi i marrëdhënieve të tija të ngushta me Mid'hat Pashën. Mbasi u pushua nga Valillëku i Bejrutit u emërua "Shuraj - devlet Azasi" në degën e Tanzimatit. Në Stamboll qeveria dhe pallati vëzhgonin çdo sjellje të tij. Ishte vazhdimisht nën vërejtjen e policisë së fshehtë. Më së fundi vëndosën ta dërgojnë Valí në Tarabullus, Libi. I paraqiti Abdyl Hamitit një promemorje ku, pasi përshkruante gjendjen e rëndë të brendshme e të jashtme të Perandorisë, korrupsionin, arbitraritetin e keqadministrimin që zotëronte në aparatin shtetëror qëndror e lokal dhe mungesën e të drejtave njerëzore e politike për gjithë shtetasit, parashtronte programin e tij të reformave. Ai propozonte që të zbatoheshin me ngut reforma radikale, të cilat duhet të ishin të pergjithshme, t'u siguronin shtetasve të drejta në qeverisjen e vendit, lirinë e mendimit e të veprimit. Në promemorje kërkohej që të rivendosej e të vihej menjëherë në jetë kushtetuta e vitit 1876, së cilës duhej t'i bëheshin ndryshime e përmirësime që t'u përshtateshin gjendjes së Perandorisë Osmane në fundin e shek. XIX dhe lëvizjeve kombetare te popujve; këto ndryshime e përmirësime do të miratoheshin nga asambleja kushtetuese, që do të thirrej posaçërisht për këtë qëllim. Ismail Qemali mendonte që në vend të regjimit absolutist të sulltanëve osmanë të vendosej një monarki kushtetuese parlamentare, e ngjashme me atë të disa vendeve të Evropes. Mehmed Said Pasha, ish-kryeministër i Turqisë, shkruante në kujtimet e tij (më 1912) se, bashkë me promemorjen, Ismail Qemali i paraqiti sulltanit edhe projektin e një kushtetute, të cilën ai (Said Pasha) e quante si më të përshtatshme për vendosjen e një regjimi parlamentar në Perandorinë Osmane. Miratimi i një kushtëtute të tillë do t'u hapte rrugën reformave decetralizuese, me zbatimin e të cilave pushteti lokal do të kalonte në duart e vendasve dhe të përfaqësuesve të të gjithë popujve të Perandorise.